Futuríveis

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Entre Janeiro e Maio de 2006, cada português viu, em média por dia, em sua casa, 3 horas, 29 minutos e 39 segundos de televisão, menos 4 minutos e 7 segundos do que no ano anterior.

A análise por targets não revela diferenças face a anos anteriores. Os maiores consumidores deste meio mantêm-se, por região, os residentes no Grande Porto (mais 6.9% do que a média do universo); por classe social, os indivíduos da classe baixa (mais 24.3% do que a média do universo); por sexo, as mulheres (mais 8.5% do que a média do universo); por idade, os indivíduos com mais de 64 anos (mais 42.6% do que a média) e, por situação no lar, as donas de casa (mais 20.4% do que a média).

A situação no lar e a idade são as variáveis que mais influenciam o consumo de televisão, já que é aqui que se observam maiores diferenças de comportamento entre os indivíduos.

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Menos tempo frente ao écrã - Notícia - Marktest.com

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Nielsen unveiled an ambitious plan in which it promised electronic measurement of all media platforms, including MP3 players, cellphones, online video and out-of-home TV viewing.
Nielsen dubbed the initiative "Anytime Anywhere Media Measurement" -- or A2/M2 -- and plans to introduce portable electronic measurement tools and integrate its Nielsen/NetRatings software into its national TV sample homes.
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Nielsen promised it would start this summer installing and testing software meters with Nielsen/NetRatings technology on the PCs and laptops of small groups of its people meter sample. It has set a goal of fully deploying the system in the 2007-2008 broadcast season.

Buyers and networks cheered the news that Nielsen would expand its measurement outside of the TV, but suggested there were still other issues that they hoped to see Nielsen making progress.

"The world is changing and people are viewing in different ways and looking to do things in different ways," said Steve Berman, senior VP-ad sales at local cable sports network YES. "Nielsen needs to be on that same page with the viewers."
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Advertising Age - MediaWorks - Nielsen Adds Web, Cell, MP3 Players to TV Ratings Data

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LAST month saw one of the sharpest drops in consumer confidence since the recessions of 1979-1982. But those were truly dreadful times. Oil prices tripled, rates on home mortgages shot into the mid-teens, the stock market was a disaster area and unemployment rates reached double digits.

Over the past three years, by contrast, American economic performance has been almost glittering. Inflation is still low, while employment and productivity have all been rising strongly. True, stock markets are clearly nervous, and the sharp upsurge in gas prices is adding to consumer skittishness. But the reaction still seems inconsistent with the economy's underlying strengths.

There are parallels with another historical period, however, that suggest the deeper currents of uneasiness.

Pan the camera back to Pittsburgh, July 1877. The Pennsylvania Railroad yard, stretching along the city's riverfront, is a raging inferno, set afire by angry mobs of railroad workers. A contingent of state militiamen, trapped in a burning railroad roundhouse, fight their way through the flames with a Gatling gun.

Over the next few weeks riots rage throughout the country. In Chicago, newspaper headlines declare that "howling mobs" control the city. In New York, The Sun demands a "diet of lead" for rioters. Unrest in San Francisco explodes into a vicious anti-Chinese pogrom. The same period marks the glory years of the rural Granger movement and the Roman-candle growth of the Knights of Labor. American Populism puts down permanent roots.

Historians long attributed the turmoil to a "great depression of the 1870's." But recent detailed reconstructions of 19th-century data by economic historians show that there was no 1870's depression: aside from a short recession in 1873, in fact, the decade saw possibly the fastest sustained growth in American history.

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After the Civil War, artisanal local manufacturers usually enjoyed comfortable mini-monopolies. But with the rapid spread of the railroads and the telegraph, new department stores and mail-order catalogs pressured local producers and middlemen with mass-produced goods, a precursor to the Wal-Mart era. In the mid-1880's, the Bloomingdale's catalog promised that orders would arrive within two weeks in virtually the whole of the United States, including large swathes of territory reachable only by wagon-train a decade before. The productivity shock was comparable to that from the Internet in our own day.

Before the Civil War, America was perhaps the most egalitarian society in the world. But the unbridled entrepreneurialism of the 1870's gave rise to the robber barons. Even if ordinary people were doing better in the 1870's, the yawning gap between the very rich and everybody else fanned resentments. Interestingly, wealth inequality in today's America is roughly the same as in the Gilded Age.

The sharply increased social and geographic mobility of the 1870's set people adrift from traditional sources of security in families and villages. In our own day, the destruction of employer-employee relationships, the erosion of pension protection and employee health insurance may be creating a similar loss of moorings.

If one counts only the size of houses and cars, and the numbers of electronic gadgets stuffed into rec rooms, Americans are probably better off than ever before. But as the 1870's suggest, economic well-being doesn't come just from piling up toys. An economy has psychological or, if you will, spiritual, dimensions. A conviction of fairness, a feeling of not being totally on one's own, a sense of reasonable stability and predictability are all essential components of good economic performance. When they were missing in the 1870's, in the midst of a boom, the populace was brought to the brink of revolt.

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Freakoutonomics - New York Times